A short piece about representations of non-church based spiritualities, focused on Druidic beliefs but could easily be applied to any form of new spirituality.
It has been uploaded mostly as somewhere to keep the work safe and has little to do with the usual subject matter on this blog, but if you are a student, and find something useful in my waffling, then you're welcome to use it as a guide.
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This essay will examine the cultural and historical context that has paved the way for the re-emergence of pagan beliefs in the UK, focusing on the growing popularity of Druidry. Firstly, this essay will focus on the mass media and its interpretation of druidic spirituality. This is essential to fully understand the way in which representations of pagan beliefs have been shaped in both the journalistic areas of the mass media and how pagan beliefs are presented to a cinematic audience. Next this essay will look at arguments from academic sources explaining druidic beliefs and the cultural influences that have encouraged a resurgence in this form of spirituality. To do this the essay will look at the representations of Druid beliefs in academic literature, their practises, and the way that their rituals are conducted in order for Druids to feel a connection to the natural world they inhabit alongside the historical context which has aided the growth in popularity of nature religions like Druidry. Finally, the focus will be turned onto Druid representations of themselves in publications, such as blogs and books. This will allow for a greater understanding of how those practising Druidry see their rituals, ceremonies and place within the natural and social world, revealing their reasoning behind their choice to become druids.
The media often react negatively to pagan beliefs through fear of the erosion of established faiths, and often point to pagan practises as being dangerous to communities, individuals or societies values. Recently Druidism has become a registered charity within the UK, with this it is now recognised as an official religion and the rights of those practising the religion are now protected by law. An article on the Mail Online written by Melanie Philips explores concerns about what this recognition of Druidry means to the UK. Within this article she writes that this is an “attack upon the very concept of religion itself” (Philips, 2010). She describes the belief system as having no religious substance as “none of these beliefs involves a 'supreme' being that exists beyond the earth and universe”. Within this article the Druids, and Druidry itself, are mocked as being an irrelevant religion from a long forgotten past, and something that attracts eccentrics, referring to Druids as belonging to a cult. The article reacts negatively towards practitioners who work within the armed forces or police forces seemingly questioning their ability to perform their duties adequately, because they do not adhere to the traditional Judeo-Christian belief structure of the UK. The article echoes fears within the country of a devaluation of traditional values held within society and accuses Druids of being “tied up with both Communism and Fascism” (Philips, 2010). This can be seen as a reaction to the increased secularisation of the UK and fears portrayed in the media of a society growing more dangerous without a strong dogmatic belief system to help morally guide individuals actions on a day to day basis. This fear of the growing belief in pagan spiritualities and Druidry is not limited to the print media, cinema has also echoed these concerns. The Wicker Man, filmed in 1973, can be seen as “a warning against the dangers of reviving paganism in a modern context” (Hutton, 2007; 121). The villains of this film are the pagan inhabitants of an island. In the climax of the film the hero suffers at the hands of these pagans by being burnt alive in an effigy associated with Druid sacrificial rituals. This can be seen as echoing fears within society of Druids being dangerous and unstable individuals who partake in ritualistic behaviours and sacrifices. This is an excellent example of the portrayal of druids within the media and the sensationalism that can accompany it, as Hutton writes “when presenting Iron Age Britain to an audience, to bring in some evil Druids is a sure way of spicing up the material and one which is, arguably, justified by the evidence” (Hutton, 2007; 207). The evidence Hutton is using as an example to justify the media’s portrayal of Druids is based upon historical records and archaeological data, this information provides a basis for the representation of druids in contemporary society and influences the extent that the media stereotypes practises, rituals, and those who hold druidic beliefs. This essay will now examine the representations of Druidry amongst practitioners.
Within the modern UK there has been a successful revival of older pagan belief systems that pre-dated Christianity in Britain. This rise in pagan beliefs has drawn a significant amount of attention from academics studying religion within society. When discussing the creation of a Nemeton, a shrine used by Druids, at a festival for pagans Pike states that “the nemeton is a collective creation that brings together festival goers with mushrooms and moss, reminding them of the fluid boundaries between human and nature” (Pike, 2001; 64). Harvey notes that “people who join Druid groups want to understand the way the world works, how it came to be as it is, how it might be possible to prevent ecological disaster” (Harvey, 1997; 30). Both of these statements suggest that the rise of Druid beliefs and practises can be seen as being linked to a rise in the societal assumption of personal responsibility over the impact of an individual on their local ecology and the environment of the world as a whole, and as a romanticised desire to feel part of the natural world that has been largely forgotten in industrial and post-industrial societies. This connection with the natural world is encouraged by those within Druidic groups, as Crowley states “pilgrimages to sacred sites and spending time outside communing with Nature are encouraged as a way of contacting the spirit of the land and learning to live in harmony with it” (Crowley, 1994; 71). This suggests that to modern druids the world around them needs to be connected with, allowing them to feel a part of the natural order of things. In addition to this connection to the natural world Harvey suggests an openness to promote the individuality of those participating in the Druidic belief system, suggesting that believers find their own meaning in the world around them without a guiding doctrine. Harvey expands upon this by noting that although Druid groups use the same materials to guide their beliefs they “express their understandings in different ways” (Harvey, 1997; 31), they can do this through ceremonies, political activism or through teachings and passing on knowledge to others. This view is echoed by Crowley who writes that “some teach a wide curriculum of esoteric lore. Others encourage the development of spiritual understanding through the creative arts such as music and poetry.” This suggests that alongside the connection to nature Druid orders place a strong emphasis on the individual's personal spiritual journey, and the development of their spiritual self can be seen as an extension of the wider cultural emphasis within society that emphasises the autonomous individual as something akin to being sacred. Academics have argued that the rise of Druidic beliefs in the UK has been linked to the emergence of the importance of the individual in society and as a reaction to environmental concerns commonplace in modern society, the following paragraph will explore these themes through the representations of druidry by the practitioners of the druidic belief system.
Writing about the practise of ceremonial activities in the outdoors, Pauline and Don Campanelli write that “As the sacred nights of the sabbat approach, we are drawn to our rituals out of doors, whenever possible, just so that we can be affected by the elements... While others bow and kneel in temples and cathedrals, insulated from the elements, we who follow the Old Ways choose to worship in green forests or at the ocean's edge” “Campanelli, Campanelli cited in Pike, 2001; 49). They, when writing this, overtly wish distinguish themselves from the practise of worshipping a singular omnipotent god, by mentioning that they are choosing to connect with their beliefs through the practise of 'out of doors' rituals in order to feel closer to the natural world. They are distinguishing themselves from the more mainstream religions that hold only certain places of worship as scared, by stating that they can worship and practise religion in any area, that nature to them is sacred. This sacrilisation of nature is a common theme amongst the assumptions of modern day society with secular groups and movements, such as Greenpeace, leading the fight against the destruction of our natural world making Druidry an attractive spirituality in modern Britain. Practitioners of Druidry often see their spirituality as being a lived spirituality, they see little need for written words or codes of practise telling them that they need to perform a ritual in a specific way, it for them is about the journey of learning and gaining a deeper understanding of their religion through their practises. Cat Treadwell, a practising Druid, comments on this, she writes that some new to the faith “want the books to give them answers, which they can learn and parrot back without true understanding” (Treadwell, 2012). This suggests that the journey for practitioners is more important than the right or wrong way to perform rituals, or to express their spirituality when worshipping. To achieve true understanding of what it is to be a Druid you have to learn through your experiences that lead you to the practise that best suits your needs at the time or the social context that you inhabit. This emphasis on the lived experience as a journey though your spirituality is culturally, within the context of a modern UK, compatible with the assumption of individual autonomy promoted through the values held within modern society.
The response of the media to the rise of pagan beliefs in the UK highlights a large basis of fear and misunderstanding of modern Druidry, with those who practise this belief being labelled as dangerous, eccentric, or somehow incapable of providing a meaningful contribution to wider society. The cinema represents Druids as savage, backwards, people who conduct ritualistic human sacrifices, labelling druids and pagans as a product of a uncivilised historical era, culminating in a fear of a return to pagan beliefs and the brutality associated, historically, with these misunderstood beliefs. Journalists in the media, choose to differentiate those who belief in traditional Judeo-Christian beliefs from those who have chosen to belief in Druidry. Their beliefs have been attacked as being of no value without having a single monotheistic god, promoting the belief that they lack morality without having a doctrine to guide their believers decisions. In contrast to this, both the representations of pagan beliefs by Druids and academics show a concern with the natural world around them. They highlight a belief in the responsibility of the self in protecting and ensuring the environment and natural world is undamaged by human lives, this response highlights the growing concern with the natural world by the wider society. Far from being of no value to anyone in contemporary society, it shows that the beliefs of Druids hold greater value, when compared to the beliefs of the secular masses, than the more 'traditional' belief systems. These representations offer an answer to why Druidry and nature religions are growing in popularity in the UK, and in the USA, as a response to the damage climate change is causing on the earth, and the need to learn an embrace the natural world around the individual. Within both of these representations of Druidry, there is a strong emphasis on the person, and their personal journey through their spirituality. The individual is encourage to learn from their exploration of rituals and worship, and to shape their own understandings of the beliefs to fit their own needs and the social world they inhabit. Academics have noted that the roles of Druids vary based on their interpretations of the beliefs, they may choose to pass on knowledge to others, help guide decisions of those who seek their wisdom, or be largely politicised in their day to day lives. This variation in what paths those who practise Druidry take can often interpreted as a response to the societal assumption of the individual as being sacred and the emphasis placed on individual autonomy in wider society. Both academics and practitioners, therefore, offer the most complete argument to explain the rise in the numbers of people adopting the Druidic spirituality, and the wider cultural causes that have led individuals to see it as an attractive alternative to controlling traditional forms of religion.
References
Crowley, V. (1994) Phoenix From the Flame: Pagan Spirituality in the Western World, London: The Aquarian Press
Harvey, G. (1997) Listening People, Speaking Earth: Contemporary Paganism, London: C. Hurst & Co
Hutton, R. (2007) The Druids, London: Hambledon Continuum
Philips, M (2010) Druids as an official religion? Stones of Praise here we come, Mail Online. Available at: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/debate/article-1317490/Druids-official-religion-Stones-Praise-come.html [accessed 7th December 2012]
Pike, S. M. (2001) Earthly Bodies, Magical Selves: Contemporary Pagans and the Search for Community, London: University of California Press
Treadwell, C. (2012) Life – a Tale Told, The Catbox. Available at: http://druidcat.wordpress.com/2012/10/28/life-a-tale-told/ [accessed 7th December 2012]
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